Proportional Muslim Representation in Bihar: Challenges and Possibilities

The stakes are high in a country where Muslims have been systematically pushed to the margins, socially, economically, politically, and psychologically and the choice is clear-cut: either remain at the mercy of the so-called secular protectors or build their own independent voice that does not go unheard. Now is the time for educated Muslim youth to step forward and serve the community and the country perseverantly .

As Bihar assembly elections are scheduled later this year, the question of Muslim representation is again at the center of public debate. Despite being one of the largest minority communities in the state, Muslims continue to remain underrepresented in legislative politics. Parties that claim to be secular consistently sideline Muslim voices, preferring symbolic gestures over substantive inclusion. The issue goes beyond Bihar, it is about whether Indian secularism itself has room for Muslims as equal political actors, or whether their role is permanently reduced to mere vote banks.

Take the recent example of Rahul Gandhi’s Voter Adhikar Yatra. The political spectacle featured leaders from across communities standing on vehicles to project diversity and inclusiveness. Yet, not a single Muslim leader was given space at the front. This absence was not accidental, it was well planned for the dual standards of secular parties. They happily harvest Muslim votes in the name of protecting democracy, but when it comes to visible political power, Muslims are erased.

This contradiction brings us back to a larger question: Do Muslims really need secularism and democracy, or does democracy need Muslims to survive in India? Since 1947, successive governments, both Congress and BJP have presided over violence, discrimination, and systemic marginalization of Muslims. From the Bhagalpur riots to Muzaffarnagar, from Gujarat 2002 to the demolition of Babri Masjid, from Poonch and Kupwara mass rapes in Kashmir to mob lynchings in recent years, these are but few examples when Muslims have been left to fend for themselves. Secular parties condemned, gave compensation, and moved on. Structural accountability rarely followed.

B.R. Ambedkar’s warning about representation resonates here. He argued that equal representation in assemblies is the only way to address the inequality and misery of marginalized groups. Unless minorities can represent themselves, no ruling party will prioritize their issues. Ambedkar’s words find sharp relevance in a country where 80 crore people survive on subsidized food grains, and among them Muslims disproportionately occupy the lowest rungs of poverty, unemployment, and social exclusion.

The Sachar Committee Report (2006) remains the most comprehensive account of Muslim deprivation in independent India. It found that Muslims’ conditions were worse than Dalits in several areas: access to government jobs, education, credit, and healthcare. Their literacy rate was far below the national average,or ST,SC and Muslim participation in security forces and administration is almost negligible. Bihar reflected the same reality: ghettos, low literacy, and declining share in state services.

Yet, despite these findings, little has changed. A 2024 analysis of Bihar’s assembly showed that Muslims, who constitute around 17% of the population, hold only about 6–7% of the seats, which is concerning for the future of Muslims. This is not proportional representation, it is underrepresentation by design. In contrast, Yadavs and other dominant groups maintain far greater legislative visibility. Political parties continue to distribute tickets with caste arithmetic in mind, while Muslims are told to “vote secular” but rarely trusted to lead.

This vacuum of leadership is pushing educated Muslim youth to consider politics as a responsibility, not just an option. Sharjeel Imam, for instance, in his recent interview, argued that it is his duty as an educated Muslim to enter politics. By deciding to contest elections, he represents a new wave of Muslim consciousness, one that no longer wants to be dependent on the mercy of secular parties.

Imam’s point is simple: those who study the misery of their community, those who understand the findings of Sachar Committee and subsequent reports, know that Muslims cannot wait for others to speak for them. If Muslim intellectuals, professionals, and students don’t step into the political domain, the vacuum will continue to be filled by opportunists who trade votes for symbolic promises.

This does not mean a wholesale shift to parties like one single party but equal representation within any party. The focus is not on a single party but on a broader principle: Muslims need their own representatives in mainstream politics. That could mean contesting independently, forming new alliances, or pushing secular parties to go beyond tokenism. But without an organized push, Muslim presence in politics will keep shrinking.

One of the most dangerous narratives is that Muslims carry the burden of protecting India’s democracy. Every election, Muslims are told that their vote will decide the fate of secularism, that they must choose “the lesser evil” to stop the BJP. But here’s the irony: when secular parties come to power, they offer little structural change for Muslims. Representation remains tokenistic, ghettos remain ignored, and the state machinery remains hostile.

This constant burden has exhausted the community. The question Muslims are asking today is not “how to save secularism?” but “what has secularism saved for us?”. If democracy cannot guarantee equal participation, it loses its legitimacy for those left out.

For Bihar, the immediate task is to ensure proportional representation in the upcoming elections. If Muslims form nearly one-sixth of the population, they should not be reduced to 6–7% of the assembly. Anything less is systemic exclusion. But beyond Bihar, this is about rewriting the role of Muslims in Indian democracy.

Ambedkar’s vision of equal representation renders guidelines. Representation is not charity, it is a right. Unless Muslims, Dalits, and other marginalized communities can represent themselves, inequality will persist, and violence will continue to find political cover.

As educated Muslim youth take up this challenge, the community must back them. It is not enough to vote defensively every five years; what is needed is a sustained push for leadership. Leaders like Sharjeel Imam are not exceptions but examples of what a future generation can achieve if it refuses to remain silent.

Mohammad Hesham Atik is a student pursuing psychology from Jamia Millia Islamia

Edited by: Arslaan Beg